Community Policing the Brazilian Favela

The adoption of ambitious Community Policing initiatives in Rio de Janeiro and Salvador over the last decade inspired hope among many police reformers that a new, more democratic paradigm of state-society relations might finally emerge in Brazil. Such was the allure of Community Policing (CP), a citizen-oriented policing philosophy that had been embraced in much of the Global North more than a decade earlier, and was now becoming entrenched in Latin America. As the form of Community Policing was modified to fit the sociopolitical context of the Brazilian slum, however, it took on characteristics more similar to counterinsurgency and peace keeping. As in peace keeping, the new initiatives led to immediate and dramatic reduction in lethal violence by deterring armed confrontation between rival gangs and between gangs and the police. Like counterinsurgency, however, their heavy-handed tactics are the source of deep tensions between the police and community members. Consequently, both its positive impact and its limitations have been far more pronounced than CP programs elsewhere. Ultimately, CP in Brazil suffers from an even greater flaw. Unable to replace the authority of locally embedded drug gangs, the police have largely resorted to sharing authority with them as a condition of keeping the peace.

The return of the state and inter-militia competition in northern Iraq

In the wake of the end of the war against Islamic State (IS), the Iraqi state redeployed in the north of Iraq in October 2017. This redeployment functions through the establishment of economic and security networks, run by local militia elites and coopted by the major national-level Shia parties. In the lead-up to the May 2018 parliamentary elections, this new socio-political reality is the key to how post-IS Iraq will evolve.

Retour de l’État et concurrence milicienne dans le nord de l’Irak

La fin de la guerre contre l’État Islamique s’est traduite en octobre 2017 par un redéploiement de l’État irakien dans le nord du pays. Ce dernier s’opère à travers la mise en place de réseaux économiques et sécuritaires tenus par les élites miliciennes locales, cooptées par les grands partis chiites nationaux. À l’approche des élections parlementaires prévues en mai 2018, cette nouvelle réalité socio-politique constitue la clef du développement de l’Irak post-État Islamique mais porte également les germes de futures violences.

Colombia: one year later, peace makes no headway.

One year after the peace accord between the Colombian government of Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, signed on November 24, 2016, its implementation is making no headway. This article examines the main obstacles to the materialization of the peace accord, from its difficult incorporation in Colombian law, to concrete problems identified by peasant organizations and NGOs that defend the victims of the conflict. Issues of power-sharing, security and land are at the core of present difficulties.

Colombie : un an après, la paix piétine

Un an après la signature d’un accord de paix le 24 novembre 2016 entre le gouvernement colombien de Juan Manuel Santos et les Forces Armées Révolutionnaires de Colombie (FARC), sa mise en place piétine. Cette analyse propose de revenir sur les principaux enjeux de la mise en œuvre de l’accord en Colombie. Elle s’arrêtera dans un premier temps sur les difficultés d’adaptation de celui-ci au sein du droit colombien, puis mettra en lumière les obstacles concrets pointés du doigt par les organisations paysannes et les associations de défense des victimes du conflit. Les enjeux politiques, sécuritaires et fonciers sont centraux pour comprendre le contexte actuel.


In 2015, over 800,000 people, most of them fleeing Syria, crossed the Aegean Sea on makeshift boats, leaving the Turkish coastline for Greek islands, then continuing to continental Greece, and finally, via the Balkan route, to Western Europe. Faced with the scale of these arrivals, two kinds of public policy were devised: the unilateral closure of borders and an agreement with Turkey. Based on the study of Belgrade informal camp, this analysis highlights the pernicious effects of those policies: the marginalization of part of the migrants and the development of circumventions practices that forced migrants to take more risks.

When women take part in the rebellion: the ex-fighters from Ivory Coast

This article illustrates the complexity of women’s engagement in armed groups, through the example of women involved in the rebellion in Ivory Coast between 2002 and 2011. It provides an analysis of the trajectories of women enrolled in the conflict in Ivory Coast in various regions and during various periods of the rebellion. How were women involved in the conflict in Ivory Coast? What motives led them to become involved in the rebellion and, once they had become involved, what activities did they engage in? How might one compare their experience in the rebellion to that of men?

Quand les femmes s’engagent dans la rébellion : le cas des ex-combattantes ivoiriennes

À travers l’exemple des femmes engagées dans la rébellion en Côte d’Ivoire entre 2002 et 2011, cet article illustre la complexité de l’engagement féminin dans les groupes armés. Il propose une analyse des trajectoires de femmes enrôlées dans le conflit ivoirien dans différentes régions et à différentes périodes de la rébellion. Quelle a été l’implication des femmes dans le conflit ivoirien ? Quelles logiques ont présidé à leur engagement et, une fois engagées, quelles ont été leurs activités ? Comment peut-on comparer leur engagement dans la rébellion à celui des hommes ?

From Arms to Politics: The New Struggle of the Tamil Diaspora

Tamil protesters block the Gardiner Expressway, May 10, 2009, Toronto © Marc Blinch / Reuters During the Sri Lankan civil war, the Tamil diaspora played a key role providing the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) with the funds necessary to conduct the armed...

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